China
GANG INFORMATION
PROFILE
OFFICIAL NAME:
People's Republic of China
Geography
Total area: 9,596,960 sq. km. (about 3.7 million sq. mi.).
Cities: Capital--Beijing. Other major cities--Shanghai, Tianjin,
Shenyang, Wuhan, Guangzhou, Chongqing, Harbin, Chengdu.
Terrain: Plains, deltas, and hills in east; mountains, high plateaus,
deserts in west.
Climate: Tropical in south to subarctic in north.
People
Nationality: Noun and adjective--Chinese (singular and plural).
Population (2006 est.): 1.3 billion.
Population growth rate (2006 est.): 0.6%.
Health (2006 est.): Infant mortality rate--23.12/1,000. Life expectancy--72.58
years (overall); 70.89 years for males, 74.46 years for females.
Ethnic groups: Han Chinese--91.9%; Zhuang, Manchu, Hui, Miao,
Uygur, Yi, Mongolian, Tibetan, Buyi, Korean, and other nationalities--8.1%.
Religions: Officially atheist; Taoism, Buddhism, Islam, Christianity.
Language: Mandarin (Putonghua), plus many local dialects.
Education: Years compulsory--9. Literacy--91%.
Work force (2001 est., 711 million): Agriculture and forestry--50%;
industry and commerce--23%; other--27%.
Government
Type: Communist party-led state.
Constitution: December 4, 1982.
Independence: Unification under the Qin (Ch'in) Dynasty 221 BC;
Qing (Ch'ing or Manchu) Dynasty replaced by a republic on February
12, 1912; People's Republic established October 1, 1949.
Branches: Executive--president, vice president, State Council,
premier. Legislative--unicameral National People's Congress. Judicial--Supreme
People's Court.
Administrative divisions: 23 provinces (the P.R.C. considers Taiwan
to be its 23rd province); 5 autonomous regions, including Tibet;
4 municipalities directly under the State Council.
Political parties: Chinese Communist Party, 66.35 million members;
8 minor parties under communist supervision.
Suffrage: Universal at 18.
Economy
GDP (2005): $2.26 trillion (exchange rate based).
Per capita GDP (2005): $1,700 (exchange rate based).
GDP real growth rate (2005): 9.9%.
Natural resources: Coal, iron ore, crude oil, mercury, tin, tungsten,
antimony, manganese, molybdenum, vanadium, magnetite, aluminum,
lead, zinc, uranium, hydropower potential (world's largest).
Agriculture: Products--Among the world's largest producers of
rice, wheat, potatoes, corn, peanuts, tea, millet, barley; commercial
crops include cotton, other fibers, apples, oilseeds, pork and
fish; produces variety of livestock products.
Industry: Types--mining and ore processing; iron; steel; aluminum;
coal, machinery; textiles and apparel; armaments; petroleum; cement;
chemicals; fertilizers; consumer products including footwear,
toys, and electronics; automobiles and other transportation equipment
including rail cars and locomotives, ships, and aircraft; and
telecommunications.
Trade (2005): Exports--$762.3 billion: electronics; machinery;
apparel; optical, photographic, and medical equipment; and furniture.
Main partners--U.S., Hong Kong, Japan, EU, South Korea, Singapore.
Imports--$660.2 billion: electronics, machinery, petroleum products,
chemicals, steel. Main partners--Japan, EU, Taiwan, South Korea,
U.S., Hong Kong.
PEOPLE
Ethnic Groups
The largest ethnic group is the Han Chinese, who constitute about
91.9% of the total population. The remaining 8.1% are Zhuang (16
million), Manchu (10 million), Hui (9 million), Miao (8 million),
Uygur (7 million), Yi (7 million), Mongolian (5 million), Tibetan
(5 million), Buyi (3 million), Korean (2 million), and other ethnic
minorities.
Language
There are seven major Chinese dialects and many subdialects. Mandarin
(or Putonghua), the predominant dialect, is spoken by over 70%
of the population. It is taught in all schools and is the medium
of government. About two-thirds of the Han ethnic group are native
speakers of Mandarin; the rest, concentrated in southwest and
southeast China, speak one of the six other major Chinese dialects.
Non-Chinese languages spoken widely by ethnic minorities include
Mongolian, Tibetan, Uygur and other Turkic languages (in Xinjiang),
and Korean (in the northeast).
The Pinyin System of Romanization
On January 1, 1979, the Chinese Government officially adopted
the pinyin system for spelling Chinese names and places in Roman
letters. A system of Romanization invented by the Chinese, pinyin
has long been widely used in China on street and commercial signs
as well as in elementary Chinese textbooks as an aid in learning
Chinese characters. Variations of pinyin also are used as the
written forms of several minority languages.
Pinyin has now replaced other conventional spellings
in China's English-language publications. The U.S. Government
also has adopted the pinyin system for all names and places in
China. For example, the capital of China is now spelled "Beijing"
rather than "Peking."
Religion
Religion plays a significant part in the life of many Chinese.
Buddhism is most widely practiced, with an estimated 100 million
adherents. Traditional Taoism also is practiced. Official figures
indicate there are 20 million Muslims, 5 million Catholics, and
15 million Protestants; unofficial estimates are much higher.
While the Chinese constitution affirms religious
toleration, the Chinese Government places restrictions on religious
practice outside officially recognized organizations. Only two
Christian organizations--a Catholic church without official ties
to Rome and the "Three-Self-Patriotic" Protestant church--are
sanctioned by the Chinese Government. Unauthorized churches have
sprung up in many parts of the country and unofficial religious
practice is flourishing. In some regions authorities have tried
to control activities of these unregistered churches. In other
regions, registered and unregistered groups are treated similarly
by authorities and congregations worship in both types of churches.
Most Chinese Catholic bishops are recognized by the Pope, and
official priests have Vatican approval to administer all the sacraments.
Population Policy
With a population officially just over 1.3 billion and an estimated
growth rate of about 0.6%, China is very concerned about its population
growth and has attempted with mixed results to implement a strict
birth limitation policy. China’s 2002 Population and Family
Planning Law and policy permit one child per family, with allowance
for a second child under certain circumstances, especially in
rural areas, and with guidelines looser for ethnic minorities
with small populations. Enforcement varies, and relies largely
on "social compensation fees" to discourage extra births.
Official government policy opposes forced abortion or sterilization,
but in some localities there are instances of forced abortion.
The government's goal is to stabilize the population in the first
half of the 21st century, and current projections are that the
population will peak at around 1.6 billion by 2050.
HISTORY
Dynastic Period
China is the oldest continuous major world civilization, with
records dating back about 3,500 years. Successive dynasties developed
a system of bureaucratic control that gave the agrarian-based
Chinese an advantage over neighboring nomadic and hill cultures.
Chinese civilization was further strengthened by the development
of a Confucian state ideology and a common written language that
bridged the gaps among the country's many local languages and
dialects. Whenever China was conquered by nomadic tribes, as it
was by the Mongols in the 13th century, the conquerors sooner
or later adopted the ways of the "higher" Chinese civilization
and staffed the bureaucracy with Chinese.
The last dynasty was established in 1644, when the
Manchus overthrew the native Ming dynasty and established the
Qing (Ch'ing) dynasty with Beijing as its capital. At great expense
in blood and treasure, the Manchus over the next half century
gained control of many border areas, including Xinjiang, Yunnan,
Tibet, Mongolia, and Taiwan. The success of the early Qing period
was based on the combination of Manchu martial prowess and traditional
Chinese bureaucratic skills.
During the 19th century, Qing control weakened,
and prosperity diminished. China suffered massive social strife,
economic stagnation, explosive population growth, and Western
penetration and influence. The Taiping and Nian rebellions, along
with a Russian-supported Muslim separatist movement in Xinjiang,
drained Chinese resources and almost toppled the dynasty. Britain's
desire to continue its illegal opium trade with China collided
with imperial edicts prohibiting the addictive drug, and the First
Opium War erupted in 1840. China lost the war; subsequently, Britain
and other Western powers, including the United States, forcibly
occupied "concessions" and gained special commercial
privileges. Hong Kong was ceded to Britain in 1842 under the Treaty
of Nanking, and in 1898, when the Opium Wars finally ended, Britain
executed a 99-year lease of the New Territories, significantly
expanding the size of the Hong Kong colony.
As time went on, the Western powers, wielding superior
military technology, gained more economic and political privileges.
Reformist Chinese officials argued for the adoption of Western
technology to strengthen the dynasty and counter Western advances,
but the Qing court played down both the Western threat and the
benefits of Western technology.
Early 20th Century China
Frustrated by the Qing court's resistance to reform, young officials,
military officers, and students--inspired by the revolutionary
ideas of Sun Yat-sen--began to advocate the overthrow of the Qing
dynasty and creation of a republic. A revolutionary military uprising
on October 10, 1911, led to the abdication of the last Qing monarch.
As part of a compromise to overthrow the dynasty without a civil
war, the revolutionaries and reformers allowed high Qing officials
to retain prominent positions in the new republic. One of these
figures, Gen. Yuan Shikai, was chosen as the republic's first
president. Before his death in 1916, Yuan unsuccessfully attempted
to name himself emperor. His death left the republican government
all but shattered, ushering in the era of the "warlords"
during which China was ruled and ravaged by shifting coalitions
of competing provincial military leaders.
In the 1920s, Sun Yat-sen established a revolutionary
base in south China and set out to unite the fragmented nation.
With Soviet assistance, he organized the Kuomintang (KMT or "Chinese
Nationalist People's Party"), and entered into an alliance
with the fledgling Chinese Communist Party (CCP). After Sun's
death in 1925, one of his protégés, Chiang Kai-shek,
seized control of the KMT and succeeded in bringing most of south
and central China under its rule. In 1927, Chiang turned on the
CCP and executed many of its leaders. The remnants fled into the
mountains of eastern China. In 1934, driven out of their mountain
bases, the CCP's forces embarked on a "Long March" across
some of China's most desolate terrain to the northwestern province
of Shaanxi, where they established a guerrilla base at Yan'an.
During the "Long March," the communists
reorganized under a new leader, Mao Zedong (Mao Tse-tung). The
bitter struggle between the KMT and the CCP continued openly or
clandestinely through the 14-year long Japanese invasion (1931-45),
even though the two parties nominally formed a united front to
oppose the Japanese invaders in 1937. The war between the two
parties resumed after the Japanese defeat in 1945. By 1949, the
CCP occupied most of the country.
Chiang Kai-shek fled with the remnants of his KMT
government and military forces to Taiwan, where he proclaimed
Taipei to be China's "provisional capital" and vowed
to re-conquer the Chinese mainland. Taiwan still calls itself
the "Republic of China."
The People's Republic of China
In Beijing, on October 1, 1949, Mao Zedong proclaimed the founding
of the People's Republic of China (P.R.C.). The new government
assumed control of a people exhausted by two generations of war
and social conflict, and an economy ravaged by high inflation
and disrupted transportation links. A new political and economic
order modeled on the Soviet example was quickly installed.
In the early 1950s, China undertook a massive economic
and social reconstruction program. The new leaders gained popular
support by curbing inflation, restoring the economy, and rebuilding
many war-damaged industrial plants. The CCP's authority reached
into almost every aspect of Chinese life. Party control was assured
by large, politically loyal security and military forces; a government
apparatus responsive to party direction; and the placement of
party members into leadership positions in labor, women's, and
other mass organizations.
The "Great Leap Forward" and the Sino-Soviet
Split
In 1958, Mao broke with the Soviet model and announced a new economic
program, the "Great Leap Forward," aimed at rapidly
raising industrial and agricultural production. Giant cooperatives
(communes) were formed, and "backyard factories" dotted
the Chinese landscape. The results were disastrous. Normal market
mechanisms were disrupted, agricultural production fell behind,
and China's people exhausted themselves producing what turned
out to be shoddy, un-salable goods. Within a year, starvation
appeared even in fertile agricultural areas. From 1960 to 1961,
the combination of poor planning during the Great Leap Forward
and bad weather resulted in one of the deadliest famines in human
history.
The already strained Sino-Soviet relationship deteriorated
sharply in 1959, when the Soviets started to restrict the flow
of scientific and technological information to China. The dispute
escalated, and the Soviets withdrew all of their personnel from
China in August 1960. In 1960, the Soviets and the Chinese began
to have disputes openly in international forums.
The Cultural Revolution
In the early 1960s, State President Liu Shaoqi and his protégé,
Party General Secretary Deng Xiaoping, took over direction of
the party and adopted pragmatic economic policies at odds with
Mao's revolutionary vision. Dissatisfied with China's new direction
and his own reduced authority, Party Chairman Mao launched a massive
political attack on Liu, Deng, and other pragmatists in the spring
of 1966. The new movement, the "Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution," was unprecedented in communist history. For
the first time, a section of the Chinese communist leadership
sought to rally popular opposition against another leadership
group. China was set on a course of political and social anarchy
that lasted the better part of a decade.
In the early stages of the Cultural Revolution,
Mao and his "closest comrade in arms," National Defense
Minister Lin Biao, charged Liu, Deng, and other top party leaders
with dragging China back toward capitalism. Radical youth organizations,
called Red Guards, attacked party and state organizations at all
levels, seeking out leaders who would not bend to the radical
wind. In reaction to this turmoil, some local People's Liberation
Army (PLA) commanders and other officials maneuvered to outwardly
back Mao and the radicals while actually taking steps to rein
in local radical activity.
Gradually, Red Guard and other radical activity
subsided, and the Chinese political situation stabilized along
complex factional lines. The leadership conflict came to a head
in September 1971, when Party Vice Chairman and Defense Minister
Lin Biao reportedly tried to stage a coup against Mao; Lin Biao
allegedly later died in a plane crash in Mongolia.
In the aftermath of the Lin Biao incident, many
officials criticized and dismissed during 1966-69 were reinstated.
Chief among these was Deng Xiaoping, who reemerged in 1973 and
was confirmed in 1975 in the concurrent posts of Politburo Standing
Committee member, PLA Chief of Staff, and Vice Premier.
The ideological struggle between more pragmatic,
veteran party officials and the radicals re-emerged with a vengeance
in late 1975. Mao's wife, Jiang Qing, and three close Cultural
Revolution associates (later dubbed the "Gang of Four")
launched a media campaign against Deng. In January 1976, Premier
Zhou Enlai, a popular political figure, died of cancer. On April
5, Beijing citizens staged a spontaneous demonstration in Tiananmen
Square in Zhou's memory, with strong political overtones of support
for Deng. The authorities forcibly suppressed the demonstration.
Deng was blamed for the disorder and stripped of all official
positions, although he retained his party membership.
The Post-Mao Era
Mao's death in September 1976 removed a towering figure from Chinese
politics and set off a scramble for succession. Former Minister
of Public Security Hua Guofeng was quickly confirmed as Party
Chairman and Premier. A month after Mao's death, Hua, backed by
the PLA, arrested Jiang Qing and other members of the "Gang
of Four." After extensive deliberations, the Chinese Communist
Party leadership reinstated Deng Xiaoping to all of his previous
posts at the 11th Party Congress in August 1977. Deng then led
the effort to place government control in the hands of veteran
party officials opposed to the radical excesses of the previous
two decades.
The new, pragmatic leadership emphasized economic
development and renounced mass political movements. At the pivotal
December 1978 Third Plenum (of the 11th Party Congress Central
Committee), the leadership adopted economic reform policies aimed
at expanding rural income and incentives, encouraging experiments
in enterprise autonomy, reducing central planning, and attracting
foreign direct investment into China. The plenum also decided
to accelerate the pace of legal reform, culminating in the passage
of several new legal codes by the National People's Congress in
June 1979.
After 1979, the Chinese leadership moved toward
more pragmatic positions in almost all fields. The party encouraged
artists, writers, and journalists to adopt more critical approaches,
although open attacks on party authority were not permitted. In
late 1980, Mao's Cultural Revolution was officially proclaimed
a catastrophe. Hua Guofeng, a protégé of Mao, was
replaced as premier in 1980 by reformist Sichuan party chief Zhao
Ziyang and as party General Secretary in 1981 by the even more
reformist Communist Youth League chairman Hu Yaobang.
Reform policies brought great improvements in the
standard of living, especially for urban workers and for farmers
who took advantage of opportunities to diversify crops and establish
village industries. Literature and the arts blossomed, and Chinese
intellectuals established extensive links with scholars in other
countries.
At the same time, however, political dissent as
well as social problems such as inflation, urban migration, and
prostitution emerged. Although students and intellectuals urged
greater reforms, some party elders increasingly questioned the
pace and the ultimate goals of the reform program. In December
1986, student demonstrators, taking advantage of the loosening
political atmosphere, staged protests against the slow pace of
reform, confirming party elders' fear that the current reform
program was leading to social instability. Hu Yaobang, a protégé
of Deng and a leading advocate of reform, was blamed for the protests
and forced to resign as CCP General Secretary in January 1987.
Premier Zhao Ziyang was made General Secretary and Li Peng, former
Vice Premier and Minister of Electric Power and Water Conservancy,
was made Premier.
1989 Student Movement and Tiananmen Square
After Zhao became the party General Secretary, the economic and
political reforms he had championed came under increasing attack.
His proposal in May 1988 to accelerate price reform led to widespread
popular complaints about rampant inflation and gave opponents
of rapid reform the opening to call for greater centralization
of economic controls and stricter prohibitions against Western
influence. This precipitated a political debate, which grew more
heated through the winter of 1988-89.
The death of Hu Yaobang on April 15, 1989, coupled
with growing economic hardship caused by high inflation, provided
the backdrop for a large-scale protest movement by students, intellectuals,
and other parts of a disaffected urban population. University
students and other citizens camped out in Beijing's Tiananmen
Square to mourn Hu's death and to protest against those who would
slow reform. Their protests, which grew despite government efforts
to contain them, called for an end to official corruption and
for defense of freedoms guaranteed by the Chinese constitution.
Protests also spread to many other cities, including Shanghai,
Chengdu, and Guangzhou.
Martial law was declared on May 20, 1989. Late on
June 3 and early on the morning of June 4, military units were
brought into Beijing. They used armed force to clear demonstrators
from the streets. There are no official estimates of deaths in
Beijing, but most observers believe that casualties numbered in
the hundreds.
After June 4, while foreign governments expressed
horror at the brutal suppression of the demonstrators, the central
government eliminated remaining sources of organized opposition,
detained large numbers of protesters, and required political reeducation
not only for students but also for large numbers of party cadre
and government officials.
Following the resurgence of conservatives in the
aftermath of June 4, economic reform slowed until given new impetus
by Deng Xiaoping's dramatic visit to southern China in early 1992.
Deng's renewed push for a market-oriented economy received official
sanction at the 14th Party Congress later in the year as a number
of younger, reform-minded leaders began their rise to top positions.
Deng and his supporters argued that managing the economy in a
way that increased living standards should be China's primary
policy objective, even if "capitalist" measures were
adopted. Subsequent to the visit, the Communist Party Politburo
publicly issued an endorsement of Deng's policies of economic
openness. Though not completely eschewing political reform, China
has consistently placed overwhelming priority on the opening of
its economy.
Third Generation of Leaders
Deng's health deteriorated in the years prior to his death in
1997. During that time, President Jiang Zemin and other members
of his generation gradually assumed control of the day-to-day
functions of government. This "third generation" leadership
governed collectively with President Jiang at the center.
In March 1998, Jiang was re-elected President during
the 9th National People's Congress. Premier Li Peng was constitutionally
required to step down from that post. He was elected to the chairmanship
of the National People's Congress. Zhu Rongji was selected to
replace Li as Premier.
Fourth Generation of Leaders
In November 2002, the 16th Communist Party Congress elected Hu
Jintao, who in 1992 was designated by Deng Xiaoping as the "core"
of the fourth generation leaders, the new General Secretary. A
new Politburo and Politburo Standing Committee was also elected
in November.
In March 2003, General Secretary Hu Jintao was elected
President at the 10th National People's Congress. Jiang Zemin
retained the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission.
At the Fourth Party Plenum in September 2004, Jiang Zemin retired
from the Central Military Commission, passing the Chairmanship
and control of the People's Liberation Army to President Hu Jintao.
China is firmly committed to economic reform and
opening to the outside world. The Chinese leadership has identified
reform of state industries and the establishment of a social safety
network as government priorities. Government strategies for achieving
these goals include large-scale privatization of unprofitable
state-owned enterprises and development of a pension system for
workers. The leadership has also downsized the government bureaucracy.
The Next 5 Years
The next 5 years represent a critical period in China's development.
To investors and firms, especially following China’s accession
to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, China represents
a vast market that has yet to be fully tapped and a low-cost base
for export-oriented production. Educationally, China is forging
ahead as partnerships and exchanges with foreign universities
have helped create new research opportunities for its students.
China will host the Summer Olympics in 2008 and views this as
an opportunity to showcase to the world China’s development
gains of the past two decades. The new leadership is committed
to generating greater economic development in the interior and
providing more services to those who do not live in China’s
coastal areas, goals that form the core of President Hu’s
concepts of a "harmonious society" and a "spiritual
civilization." However, there is still much that needs to
change in China. Human rights issues remain a major concern, as
does China’s lack of effective controls to prevent proliferation
of weapons of mass destruction (WMD)-related materials and technology.
GOVERNMENT
Chinese Communist Party
The 66.35 million member CCP, authoritarian in structure and ideology,
continues to dominate government. Nevertheless, China's population,
geographical vastness, and social diversity frustrate attempts
to rule by fiat from Beijing. Central leaders must increasingly
build consensus for new policies among party members, local and
regional leaders, influential non-party members, and the population
at large.
In periods of greater openness, the influence of
people and organizations outside the formal party structure has
tended to increase, particularly in the economic realm. This phenomenon
is most apparent today in the rapidly developing coastal region.
Nevertheless, in all important government, economic, and cultural
institutions in China, party committees work to see that party
and state policy guidance is followed and that non-party members
do not create autonomous organizations that could challenge party
rule. Party control is tightest in government offices and in urban
economic, industrial, and cultural settings; it is considerably
looser in the rural areas, where the majority of the people live.
Theoretically, the party's highest body is the Party
Congress, which is supposed to meet at least once every 5 years.
The primary organs of power in the Communist Party include:
The Politburo Standing Committee, which currently
consists of nine members;
The Politburo, consisting of 24 full members, including the members
of the Politburo Standing Committee;
The Secretariat, the principal administrative mechanism of the
CCP, headed by the General Secretary;
The Central Military Commission;
The Discipline Inspection Commission, which is charged with rooting
out corruption and malfeasance among party cadres.
State Structure
The Chinese Government has always been subordinate to the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP); its role is to implement party policies.
The primary organs of state power are the National People's Congress
(NPC), the President (the head of state), and the State Council.
Members of the State Council include Premier Wen Jiabao (the head
of government), a variable number of vice premiers (now four),
five state councilors (protocol equivalents of vice premiers but
with narrower portfolios), and 22 ministers and four State Council
commission directors.
Under the Chinese constitution, the NPC is the highest
organ of state power in China. It meets annually for about 2 weeks
to review and approve major new policy directions, laws, the budget,
and major personnel changes. These initiatives are presented to
the NPC for consideration by the State Council after previous
endorsement by the Communist Party's Central Committee. Although
the NPC generally approves State Council policy and personnel
recommendations, various NPC committees hold active debate in
closed sessions, and changes may be made to accommodate alternate
views.
When the NPC is not in session, its permanent organ,
the Standing Committee, exercises state power.
Principal Government and Party Officials
President--Hu Jintao
Vice President--Zeng Qinghong
Premier, State Council--Wen Jiabao
NPC Chair--Wu Bangguo
Vice Premiers--Huang Ju, Wu Yi, Zeng Peiyan, Hui Liangyu
Politburo Standing Committee--Hu Jintao (General Secretary), Wu
Bangguo, Wen Jiabao, Jia Qinglin, Zeng Qinghong, Huang Ju, Wu
Guanzheng, Li Changchun, Luo Gan
Other Politburo Members--Cao Gangchuan, Chen Liangyu, Guo Boxiong,
He Guoqiang, Hui Liangyu, Liu Qi, Liu Yunshan, Wang Lequan, Wang
Zhaoguo, Wu Yi, Yu Zhengsheng, Zeng Peiyan, Zhang Dejiang, Zhang
Lichang, Zhou Yongkang, Wang Gang (alternate)
Alternate Politburo Members--Wang Gang
Chairman, Central Military Commission--Hu Jintao
Foreign Minister--Li Zhaoxing
Minister of Commerce--Bo Xilai
Minister of Finance--Jin Renqing
Minister of Agriculture--Du Qinglin
Minister of Information Industry--Wang Xudong
Governor, People's Bank of China--Zhou Xiaochuan
Minister, State Development and Reform Commission--Ma Kai
Ambassador to U.S.--Zhou Wenzhong
Ambassador to UN--Wang Guangya
POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Legal System
The government's efforts to promote rule of law are significant
and ongoing. After the Cultural Revolution, China's leaders aimed
to develop a legal system to restrain abuses of official authority
and revolutionary excesses. In 1982, the National People's Congress
adopted a new state constitution that emphasized the rule of law
under which even party leaders are theoretically held accountable.
Since 1979, when the drive to establish a functioning
legal system began, more than 300 laws and regulations, most of
them in the economic area, have been promulgated. The use of mediation
committees--informed groups of citizens who resolve about 90%
of China's civil disputes and some minor criminal cases at no
cost to the parties--is one innovative device. There are more
than 800,000 such committees in both rural and urban areas.
Legal reform became a government priority in the
1990s. Legislation designed to modernize and professionalize the
nation's lawyers, judges, and prisons was enacted. The 1994 Administrative
Procedure Law allows citizens to sue officials for abuse of authority
or malfeasance. In addition, the criminal law and the criminal
procedures laws were amended to introduce significant reforms.
The criminal law amendments abolished the crime of "counter-revolutionary"
activity, although many persons are still incarcerated for that
crime. Criminal procedures reforms also encouraged establishment
of a more transparent, adversarial trial process. The Chinese
constitution and laws provide for fundamental human rights, including
due process, but these are often ignored in practice. In addition
to other judicial reforms, the Constitution was amended in 2004
to include the protection of individual human rights and legally-obtained
private property, but it is unclear how those provisions will
be implemented. Although new criminal and civil laws have provided
additional safeguards to citizens, previously debated political
reforms, including expanding elections to the township level,
and other legal reforms, including the reform of the reeducation
through labor system, have been put on hold.
Human Rights
The State Department’s annual China human rights and religious
freedom reports have noted China’s well-documented abuses
of human rights in violation of internationally recognized norms,
stemming both from the authorities’ intolerance of dissent
and the inadequacy of legal safeguards for basic freedoms. Reported
abuses have included arbitrary and lengthy incommunicado detention,
forced confessions, torture, and mistreatment of prisoners as
well as severe restrictions on freedom of speech, the press, assembly,
association, religion, privacy, worker rights, and coercive birth
limitation. In 2005, China stepped up monitoring, harassment,
intimidation, and arrest of journalists, Internet writers, defense
lawyers, religious activists, and political dissidents. The activities
of NGOs, especially those relating to the rule of law and expansion
of judicial review, have been curtailed. The Chinese Government
recognizes five official religions--Buddhism, Islam, Taoism, Catholicism,
and Protestantism--and seeks to regulate religious groups and
worship. Religious believers who seek to practice their faith
outside of state-controlled religious venues and unregistered
religious groups and spiritual movements are subject to intimidation,
harassment, and detention. In 2004, the Secretary of State again
designated China as a "Country of Particular Concern"
under the International Religious Freedom Act for particularly
severe violations of religious freedom.
At the same time, China’s economic growth
and reform since 1978 has improved dramatically the lives of hundreds
of millions of Chinese, increased social mobility, and expanded
the scope of personal freedom. This has meant substantially greater
freedom of travel, employment opportunity, educational and cultural
pursuits, job and housing choices, and access to information.
In recent years, China has also passed new criminal and civil
laws that provide additional safeguards to citizens. Village elections
have been carried out in over 90% of China’s one million
villages.
We have conducted 12 rounds of human rights dialogue
with China since Tiananmen. During 2003 and 2004, no progress
was made on the commitments China made at the 2002 Dialogue and
we declined to schedule another round. In November 2004 we initiated
negotiations on outstanding commitments with China and these commitments
have been met. We are now, in principle, prepared to resume our
formal human rights dialogue with China. Although we have not
yet engaged in discussions about a date for such a dialogue, during
his February 2006 trip to Beijing, Assistant Secretary of State
Barry Lowenkron urged progress on specific human rights concerns
that President Bush raised with President Hu in September and
November 2005, and outlined areas on which we would like to focus
in future dialogue.
ECONOMY
Economic Reforms
Since 1979, China has reformed and opened its economy. The Chinese
leadership has adopted a more pragmatic perspective on many political
and socioeconomic problems, and has reduced the role of ideology
in economic policy. China’s ongoing economic transformation
has had a profound impact not only on China but on the world.
The market-oriented reforms China has implemented over the past
two decades have unleashed individual initiative and entrepreneurship.
The result has been the largest reduction of poverty and one of
the fastest increases in income levels ever seen. China today
is the fourth-largest economy in the world. It has sustained average
economic growth of over 9.5% for the past 26 years. In 2005 its
$2.26 trillion economy was about 1/7 the size of the U.S. economy.
In the 1980s, China tried to combine central planning
with market-oriented reforms to increase productivity, living
standards, and technological quality without exacerbating inflation,
unemployment, and budget deficits. China pursued agricultural
reforms, dismantling the commune system and introducing a household-based
system that provided peasants greater decision-making in agricultural
activities. The government also encouraged nonagricultural activities
such as village enterprises in rural areas, and promoted more
self-management for state-owned enterprises, increased competition
in the marketplace, and facilitated direct contact between Chinese
and foreign trading enterprises. China also relied more upon foreign
financing and imports.
During the 1980s, these reforms led to average annual
rates of growth of 10% in agricultural and industrial output.
Rural per capita real income doubled. China became self-sufficient
in grain production; rural industries accounted for 23% of agricultural
output, helping absorb surplus labor in the countryside. The variety
of light industrial and consumer goods increased. Reforms began
in the fiscal, financial, banking, price-setting, and labor systems.
By the late 1980s, however, the economy had become
overheated with increasing rates of inflation. At the end of 1988,
in reaction to a surge of inflation caused by accelerated price
reforms, the leadership introduced an austerity program.
China's economy regained momentum in the early 1990s.
During a visit to southern China in early 1992, China's paramount
leader at the time, Deng Xiaoping, made a series of political
pronouncements designed to reinvigorate the process of economic
reform. The 14th Party Congress later in the year backed Deng's
renewed push for market reforms, stating that China's key task
in the 1990s was to create a "socialist market economy."
The 10-year development plan for the 1990s stressed continuity
in the political system with bolder reform of the economic system.
China’s economy grew at an average rate of
10% per year during the period 1990-2004, the highest growth rate
in the world. China’s gross domestic product (GDP) grew
10.0% in 2003, and even faster, 10.1%, in 2004, and 9.9% in 2005
despite attempts by the government to cool the economy. China’s
total trade in 2005 surpassed $1.4 trillion, making China the
world’s third-largest trading nation after the U.S. and
Germany. Such high growth is necessary if China is to generate
the 15 million jobs needed annually--roughly the size of Ecuador
or Cambodia--for new entrants into the job market.
Nevertheless, serious imbalances exist behind the
spectacular trade performance, high investment flows, and high
GDP growth. High numbers of non-performing loans weigh down the
state-run banking system. Inefficient state-owned enterprises
(SOEs) are still a drag on growth, despite announced efforts to
sell, merge, or close the vast majority of SOEs.
Social and economic indicators have improved since
reforms were launched, but rising inequality is evident between
the more highly developed coastal provinces and the less developed,
poorer inland regions. According to World Bank estimates, more
than 152 million people in China in 2003--mostly in rural areas
of the lagging inland provinces--still live in poverty, on consumption
of less than U.S. $1 a day.
Following the Chinese Communist Party’s Third
Plenum, held in October 2003, Chinese legislators unveiled several
proposed amendments to the state constitution. One of the most
significant was a proposal to provide protection for private property
rights. Legislators also indicated there would be a new emphasis
on certain aspects of overall government economic policy, including
efforts to reduce unemployment (now in the 8-10% range in urban
areas), to rebalance income distribution between urban and rural
regions, and to maintain economic growth while protecting the
environment and improving social equity. The National People’s
Congress approved the amendments when it met in March 2004. The
Fifth Plenum in October 2005 approved the 11th Five-Year Economic
Program aimed at building a "harmonious society" through
more balanced wealth distribution and improved education, medical
care, and social security.
Agriculture
China is the world’s most populous country and one of the
largest producers and consumers of agricultural products. Roughly
half of China's labor force is engaged in agriculture, even though
only 10% of the land is suitable for cultivation and agriculture
contributes only 13% of China’s GDP. China’s cropland
area is only 75% of the U.S. total, but China still produces about
30% more crops and livestock than the U.S. because of intensive
cultivation, China is among the world's largest producers of rice,
corn, wheat, soybeans, vegetables, tea, and pork. Major non-food
crops include cotton, other fibers, and oilseeds. China hopes
to further increase agricultural production through improved plant
stocks, fertilizers, and technology. Incomes for Chinese farmers
are stagnating, leading to an increasing wealth gap between the
cities and countryside. Government policies that continue to emphasize
grain self-sufficiency and the fact that farmers do not own--and
cannot buy or sell--the land they work have contributed to this
situation. In addition, inadequate port facilities and lack of
warehousing and cold storage facilities impede both domestic and
international agricultural trade.
Industry
Industry and construction account for about 46% of China’s
GDP. Major industries are mining and ore processing; iron; steel;
aluminum; coal, machinery; textiles and apparel; armaments; petroleum;
cement; chemicals; fertilizers; consumer products including footwear,
toys, and electronics; automobiles and other transportation equipment
including rail cars and locomotives, ships, and aircraft; and
telecommunications.
China has become a preferred destination for the
relocation of global manufacturing facilities. Its strength as
an export platform has contributed to incomes and employment in
China. The state-owned sector still accounts for about 40% of
GDP. In recent years, authorities have been giving greater attention
to the management of state assets--both in the financial market
as well as among state-owned-enterprises--and progress has been
noteworthy.
Energy
In 2003, China surpassed Japan to become the second-largest consumer
of primary energy, after the United States. China is also the
third-largest energy producer in the world, after the United States
and Russia. China’s electricity consumption is expected
to grow by over 4% a year through 2030, which will require more
than $2 trillion in electricity infrastructure investment to meet
the demand. China expects to add approximately 15,000 megawatts
of generating capacity a year, with 20% of that coming from foreign
suppliers.
Coal makes up the bulk of China’s energy consumption
(64% in 2002), and China is the largest producer and consumer
of coal in the world. As China’s economy continues to grow,
China’s coal demand is projected to rise significantly.
Although coal’s share of China’s overall energy consumption
will decrease, coal consumption will continue to rise in absolute
terms.
The 11th Five-Year Program, announced in 2005, calls
for greater energy conservation measures, including development
of renewable energy sources and increased attention to environmental
protection. Moving away from coal towards cleaner energy sources
including oil, natural gas, renewable energy, and nuclear power
is an important component of China’s development program.
China has abundant hydroelectric resources; the Three Gorges Dam,
for example, will have a total capacity of 18 gigawatts when fully
on-line (projected for 2009). In addition, the share of electricity
generated by nuclear power is projected to grow from 1% in 2000
to 5% in 2030. China’s renewable energy law, which went
into effect in 2006, calls for 10% of its energy to come from
renewable energy sources by 2020.
Since 1993, China has been a net importer of oil,
a large portion of which comes from the Middle East. Net imports
are expected to rise to 3.5 million barrels per day by 2010. China
is interested in diversifying the sources of its oil imports and
has invested in oil fields around the world. Beijing also plans
to increase China's natural gas production, which currently accounts
for only 3% of China’s total energy consumption. Analysts
expect China’s consumption of natural gas to more than double
by 2010.
In May 2004, then-Secretary of Energy Spencer Abraham
signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with China's National
Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) that launched the U.S.-China
Energy Policy Dialogue. The Dialogue has strengthened energy-related
interactions between China and the United States, the world's
two largest energy consumers. The U.S.-China Energy Policy Dialogue
builds upon the two countries’ existing cooperative ventures
in high energy nuclear physics, fossil energy, energy efficiency
and renewable energy and energy information exchanges. The NDRC
and the Department of Energy also exchange views and expertise
on Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Technologies, and we convene an annual
Oil and Gas Industry Forum with China.
Environment
One of the serious negative consequences of China's rapid industrial
development has been increased pollution and degradation of natural
resources. A World Health Organization report on air quality in
272 cities worldwide concluded that seven of the world's 10 most
polluted cities were in China. According to China's own evaluation,
two-thirds of the 338 cities for which air-quality data are available
are considered polluted--two-thirds of them moderately or severely
so. Respiratory and heart diseases related to air pollution are
the leading cause of death in China. Almost all of the nation's
rivers are considered polluted to some degree, and half of the
population lacks access to clean water. By some estimates, every
day approximately 300 million residents drink contaminated water.
Ninety percent of urban water bodies are severely polluted. Water
scarcity also is an issue; for example, severe water scarcity
in Northern China is a serious threat to sustained economic growth
and the government has begun working on a project for a large-scale
diversion of water from the Yangtze River to northern cities,
including Beijing and Tianjin. Acid rain falls on 30% of the country.
Various studies estimate pollution costs the Chinese economy 7-10%
of GDP each year.
China's leaders are increasingly paying attention
to the country's severe environmental problems. In 1998, the State
Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) was officially
upgraded to a ministry-level agency, reflecting the growing importance
the Chinese Government places on environmental protection. In
recent years, China has strengthened its environmental legislation
and made some progress in stemming environmental deterioration.
In 2005, China joined the Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development,
which brings industries and governments together to implement
strategies that reduce pollution and address climate change. During
the 10th Five-Year Plan, China plans to reduce total emissions
by 10%. Beijing in particular is investing heavily in pollution
control as part of its campaign to host a successful Olympiad
in 2008. Some cities have seen improvement in air quality in recent
years.
China is an active participant in climate change
talks and other multilateral environmental negotiations, taking
environmental challenges seriously but pushing for the developed
world to help developing countries to a greater extent. It is
a signatory to the Basel Convention governing the transport and
disposal of hazardous waste and the Montreal Protocol for the
Protection of the Ozone Layer, as well as the Convention on International
Trade in Endangered Species and other major environmental agreements.
The question of environmental impacts associated
with the Three Gorges Dam project has generated controversy among
environmentalists inside and outside China. Critics claim that
erosion and silting of the Yangtze River threaten several endangered
species, while Chinese officials say the dam will help prevent
devastating floods and generate clean hydroelectric power that
will enable the region to lower its dependence on coal, thus lessening
air pollution.
The United States and China are members of the Asia
Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP). The
APP is a public-private partnership of six nations--Australia,
China, India, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the United States--committed
to explore new mechanisms to meet national pollution reduction,
energy security and climate change goals in ways that reduce poverty
and promote economic development. APP members have undertaken
cooperative activities involving deployment of clean technology
in partner countries in eight areas: cleaner fossil energy, renewable
energy and distributed generation, power generation and transmission,
steel, aluminum, cement, coal mining, and buildings and appliances.
The United States and China have been engaged in
an active program of bilateral environmental cooperation since
the mid-1990s, with an emphasis on clean energy technology and
the design of effective environmental policy. While both governments
view this cooperation positively, China has often compared the
U.S. program, which lacks a foreign assistance component, with
those of Japan and several European Union (EU) countries that
include generous levels of aid.
Science and Technology
Science and technology have always preoccupied Chinas leaders;
indeed, China's political leadership comes almost exclusively
from technical backgrounds and has a high regard for science.
Deng called it "the first productive force." Distortions
in the economy and society created by party rule have severely
hurt Chinese science, according to some Chinese science policy
experts. The Chinese Academy of Sciences, modeled on the Soviet
system, puts much of China's greatest scientific talent in a large,
under-funded apparatus that remains largely isolated from industry,
although the reforms of the past decade have begun to address
this problem.
Chinese science strategists see China's greatest
opportunities in newly emerging fields such as biotechnology and
computers, where there is still a chance for China to become a
significant player. Most Chinese students who went abroad have
not returned, but they have built a dense network of trans-Pacific
contacts that will greatly facilitate U.S.-China scientific cooperation
in coming years. The U.S. space program is often held up as the
standard of scientific modernity in China. China's small but growing
space program, which successfully completed their second manned
orbit in October 2005, is a focus of national pride.
The U.S.-China Science and Technology Agreement
remains the framework for bilateral cooperation in this field.
A 5-year agreement to extend the Science and Technology Agreement
was signed in April 2006. The Agreement is among the longest-standing
U.S.-China accords, and includes over eleven U.S. Federal agencies
and numerous branches that participate in cooperative exchanges
under the S&T Agreement and its nearly 60 protocols, memoranda
of understanding, agreements and annexes. The Agreement covers
cooperation in areas such as marine conservation, renewable energy,
and health. Biennial Joint Commission Meetings on Science and
Technology bring together policymakers from both sides to coordinate
joint science and technology cooperation. Executive Secretaries
meetings are held biennially to implement specific cooperation
programs. Japan and the European Union also have high profile
science and technology cooperative relationships with China.
Trade
China's merchandise exports totaled $762.3 billion and imports
totaled $660.2 billion in 2004. Its global trade surplus surged
from $32 billion in 2004 to $102 billion in 2005. China's primary
trading partners include Japan, the EU, the United States, South
Korea, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. According to U.S. statistics, China
had a trade surplus with the U.S. of $201.6 billion in 2005.
China has taken important steps to open its foreign
trading system and integrate itself into the world trading system.
In November 1991, China joined the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) group, which promotes free trade and cooperation in the
economic, trade, investment, and technology spheres. China served
as APEC chair in 2001, and Shanghai hosted the annual APEC leaders
meeting in October of that year.
China formally joined the WTO in December 2001.
As part of this far-reaching trade liberalization agreement, China
agreed to lower tariffs and abolish market impediments. Chinese
and foreign businessmen, for example, gained the right to import
and export on their own, and to sell their products without going
through a government middleman. By 2005, average tariff rates
on key U.S. agricultural exports dropped from 31% to 14% and on
industrial products from 25% to 9%. The agreement also opens up
new opportunities for U.S. providers of services like banking,
insurance, and telecommunications. China has made significant
progress implementing its WTO commitments, but serious concerns
remain, particularly in the realm of intellectual property rights
protection.
While accession does not guarantee smaller trade
deficits, full implementation of all WTO commitments would further
open China’s markets to--and help level the playing field
for--U.S. exports. China is now one of the most important markets
for U.S. exports: in 2005, U.S. exports to China totaled $41.8
billion, more than double the $19 billion when China joined the
WTO in 2001 and up 20% over 2004. U.S. agricultural exports have
increased dramatically, making China our fourth-largest agricultural
export market (after Canada, Japan, and Mexico). Over the same
period (2001-1005), U.S. imports from China have risen from $102
billion to $243.5 billion.
Export growth continues to be a major driver of
China's rapid economic growth. To increase exports, China has
pursued policies such as fostering the rapid development of foreign-invested
factories, which assemble imported components into consumer goods
for export, and liberalizing trading rights. In its eleventh Five-Year
Program, adopted in 2005, China placed greater emphasis on developing
a consumer demand-driven economy to sustain economic growth and
address global imbalances.
The United States is one of China's primary suppliers
of power generating equipment, aircraft and parts, computers and
industrial machinery, raw materials, and chemical and agricultural
products. However, U.S. exporters continue to have concerns about
fair market access due to strict testing and standards requirements
for some imported products. In addition, a lack of transparency
in the regulatory process makes it difficult for businesses to
plan for changes in the domestic market structure. The April 11,
2006 U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT)
produced agreements on key U.S. trade concerns ranging from market
access to U.S. beef, medical devices, and telecommunications;
to the enforcement of intellectual property rights, including,
significantly, software. The JCCT also produced an agreement to
establish a U.S.-China High Technology and Strategic Trade Working
Group to review export control cooperation and facilitate high
technology trade.
Foreign Investment
China’s investment climate has changed dramatically in 24
years of reform. In the early 1980s, China restricted foreign
investments to export-oriented operations and required foreign
investors to form joint-venture partnerships with Chinese firms.
Foreign direct investment (FDI) grew quickly during the 1980s,
but stalled in late 1989 in the aftermath of Tiananmen. In response,
the government introduced legislation and regulations designed
to encourage foreigners to invest in high-priority sectors and
regions. Since the early 1990s, China has allowed foreign investors
to manufacture and sell a wide range of goods on the domestic
market, and authorized the establishment of wholly foreign-owned
enterprises, now the preferred form of FDI. However, the Chinese
Government’s emphasis on guiding FDI into manufacturing
has led to market saturation in some industries, while leaving
China’s services sectors underdeveloped. China is now one
of the leading recipients of FDI in the world, receiving $60 billion
in 2005, for a cumulative total of $623.8 billion.
As part of its WTO accession, China undertook to
eliminate certain trade-related investment measures and to open
up specified sectors that had previously been closed to foreign
investment. New laws, regulations, and administrative measures
to implement these commitments are being issued. Major remaining
barriers to foreign investment include opaque and inconsistently
enforced laws and regulations and the lack of a rules-based legal
infrastructure.
Opening to the outside remains central to China's
development. Foreign-invested enterprises produce about half of
China's exports, and China continues to attract large investment
inflows. Foreign exchange reserves were $819 billion at the end
of 2005, and have now surpassed those of Japan, making China’s
foreign exchange reserves the largest in the world.
FOREIGN RELATIONS
Since its establishment, the People's Republic has worked vigorously
to win international support for its position that it is the sole
legitimate government of all China, including Hong Kong, Macau,
and Taiwan. In the early 1970s, Beijing was recognized diplomatically
by most world powers. Beijing assumed the China seat in the United
Nations in 1971 and became increasingly active in multilateral
organizations. Japan established diplomatic relations with China
in 1972, and the U.S. did so in 1979. The number of countries
that have established diplomatic relations with Beijing has risen
to 159, while 25 have diplomatic relations with Taiwan.
After the founding of the P.R.C., China's foreign
policy initially focused on solidarity with the Soviet Union and
other communist countries. In 1950, China sent the People's Liberation
Army into North Korea to help North Korea halt the UN offensive
that was approaching the Yalu River. After the conclusion of the
Korean conflict, China sought to balance its identification as
a member of the Soviet bloc by establishing friendly relations
with Pakistan and other Third World countries, particularly in
Southeast Asia.
In the 1960s, Beijing competed with Moscow for political
influence among communist parties and in the developing world
generally. Following the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia
and clashes in 1969 on the Sino-Soviet border, Chinese competition
with the Soviet Union increasingly reflected concern over China's
own strategic position.
In late 1978, the Chinese also became concerned
over Vietnam's efforts to establish open control over Laos and
Cambodia. In response to the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia,
China fought a brief border war with Vietnam (February-March 1979)
with the stated purpose of "teaching Vietnam a lesson."
Chinese anxiety about Soviet strategic advances
was heightened following the Soviet Union's December 1979 invasion
of Afghanistan. Sharp differences between China and the Soviet
Union persisted over Soviet support for Vietnam's continued occupation
of Cambodia, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and Soviet troops
along the Sino-Soviet border and in Mongolia--the so-called "three
obstacles" to improved Sino-Soviet relations.
In the 1970s and 1980s China sought to create a
secure regional and global environment for itself and to foster
good relations with countries that could aid its economic development.
To this end, China looked to the West for assistance with its
modernization drive and for help in countering Soviet expansionism,
which it characterized as the greatest threat to its national
security and to world peace.
China maintained its consistent opposition to "superpower
hegemony," focusing almost exclusively on the expansionist
actions of the Soviet Union and Soviet proxies such as Vietnam
and Cuba, but it also placed growing emphasis on a foreign policy
independent of both the U.S. and the Soviet Union. While improving
ties with the West, China continued to follow closely economic
and other positions of the Third World nonaligned movement, although
China was not a formal member.
In the immediate aftermath of Tiananmen crackdown
in June 1989, many countries reduced their diplomatic contacts
with China as well as their economic assistance programs. In response,
China worked vigorously to expand its relations with foreign countries,
and by late 1990, had reestablished normal relations with almost
all nations. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in late
1991, China also opened diplomatic relations with the republics
of the former Soviet Union.
In recent years, Chinese leaders have been regular
travelers to all parts of the globe, and China has sought a higher
profile in the UN through its permanent seat on the United Nations
Security Council and other multilateral organizations. Closer
to home, China has made efforts to reduce tensions in Asia, hosting
the Six-Party Talks on North Korea’s nuclear weapons program,
cultivating a more cooperative relationship with members of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and participating in the
ASEAN Regional Forum. Its moves to play a greater regional leadership
role in Asia and, especially, the success of its "charm offensive"
in Southeast Asia are examples of a new, more mature diplomacy.
China is also working hard to strengthen ties with countries in
South Asia, including India. Following Premier Wen’s 2005
visit to India, the two sides have moved to increase commercial
and cultural ties, as well as to resolve longstanding border disputes.
China has likewise improved ties with Russia, with President Putin
visiting Beijing in April 2006. A second round of Russia-China
joint military exercises is scheduled for 2007. China has played
a prominent role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO),
a regional grouping that also includes Russia and the Central
Asian nations of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.
Beijing has resolved many of its border and maritime disputes,
notably including a November 1997 agreement with Russia that resolved
almost all outstanding border issues and a 2000 agreement with
Vietnam to resolve some differences over their maritime border,
though disagreements remain over islands in the South China Sea.
Tensions with Japan continue, fueled by longstanding and emotionally
charged disputes over history and competing claims to portions
of the East China Sea. China has played a constructive role in
support of peacekeeping operations in Sudan and has stated publicly
that it shares the international community’s concern over
Iran’s nuclear program. Set against this has been an effort
on the part of China to improve ties to countries such as Iran,
Sudan, Zimbabwe, and Venezuela, which are sources of oil and other
resources and which welcome China’s non-conditional assistance
and investment.
DEFENSE
Establishment of a professional military force equipped with modern
weapons and doctrine was the last of the "Four Modernizations"
announced by Zhou Enlai and supported by Deng Xiaoping. In keeping
with Deng's mandate to reform, the People's Liberation Army (PLA),
which includes the strategic nuclear forces, army, navy, and air
force, has demobilized millions of men and women since 1978 and
introduced modern methods in such areas as recruitment and manpower,
strategy, and education and training.
Following the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown, ideological
correctness was temporarily revived as the dominant theme in Chinese
military affairs. Reform and modernization appear to have since
resumed their position as the PLA's priority objectives, although
the armed forces' political loyalty to the CCP remains a leading
concern.
The Chinese military is in the process of transforming
itself from a land-based power, centered on a vast ground force,
to a smaller, mobile, high-tech military eventually capable of
mounting limited defensive operations beyond its coastal borders.
China's power-projection capability is limited but
has grown over recent years. China has acquired some advanced
weapons systems, including Sovremmeny destroyers, SU-27 and SU-30
aircraft, and Kilo-class diesel submarines from Russia. However,
much of its air and naval forces continues to be based on 1960s-era
technology. As the Defense Department’s Quadrennial Defense
Review, released February 2006, noted, the U.S. shares with other
countries a concern about the pace, scope, and direction of China’s
military modernization. We view military exchanges, visits, and
other forms of engagement are useful tools in promoting transparency,
provided they have substance and are fully reciprocal. Regularized
exchanges and contact also have the significant benefit of building
confidence, reducing the possibility of accidents, and providing
the lines of communication that are essential in ensuring that
episodes such as the April 2001 EP-3 aircraft incident do not
escalate into major crises. During their April 2006 meeting, President
Bush and President Hu agreed to increase officer exchanges and
to begin a strategic nuclear dialogue between STRATCOM and the
Chinese military’s strategic missile command. U.S. and Chinese
militaries are also considering ways in which we might cooperate
on disaster assistance relief.
Nuclear Weapons and Arms Control Policy
Nuclear Weapons. In 1955, Mao Zedong's Chinese Communist Party
decided to proceed with a nuclear weapons program; it was developed
with Soviet assistance until 1960. After its first nuclear test
in October 1964, Beijing deployed a modest but potent ballistic
missile force, including land- and sea-based intermediate-range
and intercontinental ballistic missiles.
China became a major international arms exporter
during the 1980s. Beijing joined the Middle East arms control
talks, which began in July 1991 to establish global guidelines
for conventional arms transfers, but announced in September 1992
that it would no longer participate because of the U.S. decision
to sell F-16A/B aircraft to Taiwan.
China was the first state to pledge "no first
use" of nuclear weapons. It joined the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) in 1984 and pledged to abstain from further
atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons in 1986. China acceded
to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1992 and supported
its indefinite and unconditional extension in 1995. In 1996, it
signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and agreed to
seek an international ban on the production of fissile nuclear
weapons material. To date, China has not ratified the CTBT.
In 1996, China committed not to provide assistance
to un-safeguarded nuclear facilities. China became a full member
of the NPT Exporters (Zangger) Committee, a group that determines
items subject to IAEA inspections if exported by NPT signatories.
In September 1997, China issued detailed nuclear export control
regulations. China began implementing regulations establishing
controls over nuclear-related dual-use items in 1998. China also
has committed not to engage in new nuclear cooperation with Iran
(even under safeguards), and will complete existing cooperation,
which is not of proliferation concern, within a relatively short
period. In May 2004, with the support of the United States, China
became a member of the Nuclear Suppliers Group.
Based on significant, tangible progress with China
on nuclear nonproliferation, President Clinton in 1998 took steps
to bring into force the 1985 U.S.-China Agreement on Peaceful
Nuclear Cooperation.
Chemical Weapons. China is not a member of the Australia
Group, an informal and voluntary arrangement made in 1985 to monitor
developments in the proliferation of dual-use chemicals and to
coordinate export controls on key dual-use chemicals and equipment
with weapons applications. In April 1997, however, China ratified
the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and, in September 1997,
promulgated a new chemical weapons export control directive. In
October 2002, China promulgated updated regulations on dual-use
chemical agents, and now controls all the major items on the Australia
Group control list.
Missiles. Although it is not a member of the Missile
Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the multinational effort to
restrict the proliferation of missiles, in March 1992 China undertook
to abide by MTCR guidelines and parameters. China reaffirmed this
commitment in 1994, and pledged not to transfer MTCR-class ground-to-ground
missiles. In November 2000, China committed not to assist in any
way the development by other countries of MTCR-class missiles.
However, in August 29, 2003, the U.S. Government imposed missile
proliferation sanctions lasting two years on the Chinese company
China North Industries Corporation (NORINCO) after determining
that it was knowingly involved in the transfer of equipment and
technology controlled under Category II of the Missile Technology
Control Regime (MTCR) Annex that contributed to MTCR-class missiles
in a non-MTCR country.
In December 2003, the P.R.C. promulgated comprehensive
new export control regulations governing exports of all categories
of sensitive technologies.
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS
From Liberation to the Shanghai Communiqué
As the PLA armies moved south to complete the communist conquest
of China in 1949, the American Embassy followed the Nationalist
government headed by Chiang Kai-shek, finally moving to Taipei
later that year. U.S. consular officials remained in mainland
China. The new P.R.C. Government was hostile to this official
American presence, and all U.S. personnel were withdrawn from
the mainland in early 1950. Any remaining hope of normalizing
relations ended when U.S. and Chinese communist forces fought
on opposing sides in the Korean conflict.
Beginning in 1954 and continuing until 1970, the
United States and China held 136 meetings at the ambassadorial
level, first at Geneva and later at Warsaw. In the late 1960s,
U.S. and Chinese political leaders decided that improved bilateral
relations were in their common interest. In 1969, the United States
initiated measures to relax trade restrictions and other impediments
to bilateral contact. On July 15, 1971, President Nixon announced
that his Assistant for National Security Affairs, Dr. Henry Kissinger,
had made a secret trip to Beijing to initiate direct contact with
the Chinese leadership and that he, the President, had been invited
to visit China.
In February 1972, President Nixon traveled to Beijing,
Hangzhou, and Shanghai. At the conclusion of his trip, the U.S.
and Chinese Governments issued the "Shanghai Communiqué,"
a statement of their foreign policy views. (For the complete text
of the Shanghai Communiqué, see the Department of State
Bulletin, March 20, 1972).
In the Communiqué, both nations pledged to
work toward the full normalization of diplomatic relations. The
U.S. acknowledged the Chinese position that all Chinese on both
sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain that there is only one China
and that Taiwan is part of China. The statement enabled the U.S.
and China to temporarily set aside the "crucial question
obstructing the normalization of relations"--Taiwan--and
to open trade and other contacts.
Liaison Office, 1973-78
In May 1973, in an effort to build toward the establishment of
formal diplomatic relations, the U.S. and China established the
United States Liaison Office (USLO) in Beijing and a counterpart
Chinese office in Washington, DC. In the years between 1973 and
1978, such distinguished Americans as David Bruce, George H.W.
Bush, Thomas Gates, and Leonard Woodcock served as chiefs of the
USLO with the personal rank of Ambassador.
President Ford visited China in 1975 and reaffirmed
the U.S. interest in normalizing relations with Beijing. Shortly
after taking office in 1977, President Carter again reaffirmed
the interest expressed in the Shanghai Communiqué. The
United States and China announced on December 15, 1978, that the
two governments would establish diplomatic relations on January
1, 1979.
Normalization
In the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic
Relations dated January 1, 1979, the United States transferred
diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The U.S. reiterated
the Shanghai Communiqué's acknowledgment of the Chinese
position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part
of China; Beijing acknowledged that the American people would
continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial
contacts with the people of Taiwan. The Taiwan Relations Act made
the necessary changes in U.S. domestic law to permit such unofficial
relations with Taiwan to flourish.
U.S.-China Relations Since Normalization
Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping's January 1979 visit to Washington,
DC, initiated a series of important, high-level exchanges, which
continued until the spring of 1989. This resulted in many bilateral
agreements--especially in the fields of scientific, technological,
and cultural interchange and trade relations. Since early 1979,
the United States and China have initiated hundreds of joint research
projects and cooperative programs under the Agreement on Cooperation
in Science and Technology, the largest bilateral program.
On March 1, 1979, the United States and China formally
established embassies in Beijing and Washington, DC. During 1979,
outstanding private claims were resolved, and a bilateral trade
agreement was concluded. Vice President Walter Mondale reciprocated
Vice Premier Deng's visit with an August 1979 trip to China. This
visit led to agreements in September 1980 on maritime affairs,
civil aviation links, and textile matters, as well as a bilateral
consular convention.
As a consequence of high-level and working-level
contacts initiated in 1980, U.S. dialogue with China broadened
to cover a wide range of issues, including global and regional
strategic problems, political-military questions, including arms
control, UN and other multilateral organization affairs, and international
narcotics matters.
The expanding relationship that followed normalization
was threatened in 1981 by Chinese objections to the level of U.S.
arms sales to Taiwan. Secretary of State Alexander Haig visited
China in June 1981 in an effort to resolve Chinese questions about
America's unofficial relations with Taiwan. Eight months of negotiations
produced the U.S.-China joint communiqué of August 17,
1982. In this third communiqué, the U.S. stated its intention
to reduce gradually the level of arms sales to Taiwan, and the
Chinese described as a fundamental policy their effort to strive
for a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan question. Meanwhile, Vice
President Bush visited China in May 1982.
High-level exchanges continued to be a significant
means for developing U.S.-China relations in the 1980s. President
Reagan and Premier Zhao Ziyang made reciprocal visits in 1984.
In July 1985, President Li Xiannian traveled to the United States,
the first such visit by a Chinese head of state. Vice President
Bush visited China in October 1985 and opened the U.S. Consulate
General in Chengdu, the U.S.'s fourth consular post in China.
Further exchanges of cabinet-level officials occurred between
1985-89, capped by President Bush's visit to Beijing in February
1989.
In the period before the June 3-4, 1989 crackdown,
a large and growing number of cultural exchange activities undertaken
at all levels gave the American and Chinese peoples broad exposure
to each other's cultural, artistic, and educational achievements.
Numerous Chinese professional and official delegations visited
the United States each month. Many of these exchanges continued
after Tiananmen.
Bilateral Relations After Tiananmen
Following the Chinese authorities' brutal suppression of demonstrators
in June 1989, the U.S. and other governments enacted a number
of measures to express their condemnation of China's blatant violation
of the basic human rights of its citizens. The U.S. suspended
high-level official exchanges with China and weapons exports from
the U.S. to China. The U.S. also imposed a number of economic
sanctions. In the summer of 1990, at the G-7 Houston summit, Western
nations called for renewed political and economic reforms in China,
particularly in the field of human rights.
Tiananmen disrupted the U.S.-China trade relationship,
and U.S. investors' interest in China dropped dramatically. The
U.S. Government also responded to the political repression by
suspending certain trade and investment programs on June 5 and
20, 1989. Some sanctions were legislated; others were executive
actions. Examples include:
The U.S. Trade and Development Agency (TDA)--new
activities in China were suspended from June 1989 until January
2001, when then-President Clinton lifted this suspension.
Overseas Private Insurance Corporation (OPIC)--new activities
suspended since June 1989.
Development Bank Lending/IMF Credits--the United States does not
support development bank lending and will not support IMF credits
to China except for projects that address basic human needs.
Munitions List Exports--subject to certain exceptions, no licenses
may be issued for the export of any defense article on the U.S.
Munitions List. This restriction may be waived upon a presidential
national interest determination.
Arms Imports--import of defense articles from China was banned
after the imposition of the ban on arms exports to China. The
import ban was subsequently waived by the Administration and re-imposed
on May 26, 1994. It covers all items on the Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives' Munitions Import List.
In 1996, the P.R.C. conducted military exercises in waters close
to Taiwan in an apparent effort at intimidation, after Taiwan’s
former President, Lee Teng-huei made a private visit to the U.S.
The United States dispatched two aircraft carrier battle groups
to the region. Subsequently, tensions in the Taiwan Strait diminished,
and relations between the U.S. and China have improved, with increased
high-level exchanges and progress on numerous bilateral issues,
including human rights, nonproliferation, and trade. Former Chinese
president Jiang Zemin visited the United States in the fall of
1997, the first state visit to the U.S. by a Chinese president
since 1985. In connection with that visit, the two sides reached
agreement on implementation of their 1985 agreement on peaceful
nuclear cooperation, as well as a number of other issues. Former
President Clinton visited China in June 1998. He traveled extensively
in China, and direct interaction with the Chinese people included
live speeches, press conference and a radio show, allowing the
President to convey first-hand to the Chinese people a sense of
American ideals and values.
Relations between the U.S. and China were severely
strained by the tragic accidental bombing of the Chinese Embassy
in Belgrade in May 1999. By the end of 1999, relations began to
gradually improve. In October 1999, the two sides reached agreement
on humanitarian payments for families of those who died and those
who were injured as well as payments for damages to respective
diplomatic properties in Belgrade and China.
In April 2001, a Chinese F-8 fighter collided with
a U.S. EP-3 reconnaissance aircraft flying over international
waters south of China. The EP-3 was able to make an emergency
landing on China's Hainan Island despite extensive damage; the
P.R.C. aircraft crashed with the loss of its pilot. Following
extensive negotiations, the crew of the EP-3 was allowed to leave
China 11 days later, but the U.S. aircraft was not permitted to
depart for another 3 months. Subsequently, the relationship, which
had cooled following the incident, gradually improved. President
George W. Bush visited China in February 2002 and met with President
Jiang Zemin in Crawford, Texas in October. President Bush hosted
Premier Wen Jiabao in Washington in December 2003. President Bush
first met Hu Jintao in his new capacity as P.R.C. President on
the margins of the G-8 Summit in Evian in June 2003, and at subsequent
international fora, such as the September 2004 APEC meeting in
Chile, the July 2005 G-8 summit in Scotland, and the September
2005 UN General Assembly meetings in New York. President Bush
traveled to China in November 2005, an official visit that was
reciprocated in April 2006 when President Hu met with President
Bush in Washington.
U.S. China policy has been remarkably consistent. For seven consecutive
administrations, U.S. policy has been to encourage China’s
opening and integration into the global system. As a result, China
has moved from being a relatively isolated and poor country to
one that is a key participant in international institutions and
a major trading nation. The U.S. encourages China to play an active
role as a responsible stakeholder in the international community,
working with the U.S. and other countries to support and strengthen
the international system that has enabled China’s success.
As Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has noted, "America
has reason to welcome a confident, peaceful, and prosperous China.
We want China as a global partner, able and willing to match its
growing capabilities to its international responsibilities."
Deputy Secretary Robert Zoellick and his P.R.C. counterpart have
engaged in intensive discussions covering the entire range of
bilateral relations, the second round of which was held in Washington
November 2005. The goal of these and similar high-level discussions
has been, as the Deputy Secretary noted in a September 2005 speech,
to encourage China to act as a "responsible stakeholder"
in the international community, on issues ranging from UN action
on Iran and the Sudan to joint efforts to promote energy security.
China has an important role to play in global, regional,
and bilateral counterterrorism efforts, and the U.S. and China
have cooperated with growing effectiveness on various aspects
of law enforcement. Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist
attacks (9-11) in New York City and Washington, DC, China offered
strong public support for the war on terrorism and has been an
important partner in U.S. counterterrorism efforts. China voted
in favor of UN Security Council Resolution 1373, publicly supported
the coalition campaign in Afghanistan, and contributed $150 million
of bilateral assistance to Afghan reconstruction following the
defeat of the Taliban. China also pledged $25 million to the reconstruction
of Iraq and has voiced strong support for the December 2005 Iraqi
Parliamentary elections. Shortly after 9-11, the U.S. and China
also commenced a counterterrorism dialogue, the most recent round
of which was held in Washington in November 2005.
China and the U.S. have also been working closely
with the international community to address threats to global
security, such as those posed by North Korea and Iran’s
nuclear programs. China has played a constructive role in hosting
the Six-Party Talks, and the U.S. looks to Beijing to use its
unique influence with Pyongyang to help bring North Korea back
to the table and to implement fully its commitments under the
September 2005 Statement of Principles. China has publicly stated
that it does not want Iran to acquire nuclear weapons and supported
the International Atomic Energy Agency’s decision to report
Iran’s nuclear program to the UN Security Council. On these
and other important issues, such as the ongoing humanitarian crisis
in Darfur, the U.S. expects China to join with the international
community in finding solutions. China’s participation is
critical to efforts to combat transnational health threats such
as avian influenza and HIV/AIDS, and both the U.S. and China play
an important role in new multilateral energy initiatives, such
as the Asia-Pacific Partnership.
While the United States looks forward to a constructive
and broad-based relationship with China--a message reiterated
by President Bush when he met with President Hu in April 2006
in Washington--there remain areas of potential disagreement. U.S.-China
relations are sometimes complicated by events in Taiwan and Hong
Kong. The United States does not support Taiwan independence and
opposes unilateral steps, by either side, to change the status
quo. At the same time, the U.S. has made it clear that cross-strait
differences should be resolved peacefully and in a manner acceptable
to people on both sides of the Strait. At various points in the
past several years, China’s has expressed concern about
the U.S. making statements on the political evolution of Hong
Kong and has stressed that political stability there is paramount
for economic growth. The NPC’s passage of an Anti-Secession
law in March 2005 was viewed as unhelpful to the cause of promoting
cross-Strait and regional stability by the U.S. and precipitated
critical high-level statements by both sides.
U.S.-China Economic Relations
U.S. direct investment in China covers a wide range of manufacturing
sectors, several large hotel projects, restaurant chains, and
petrochemicals. U.S. companies have entered agreements establishing
more than 20,000 equity joint ventures, contractual joint ventures,
and wholly foreign-owned enterprises in China. More than 100 U.S.-based
multinationals have projects in China, some with multiple investments.
Cumulative U.S. investment in China is estimated at $54 billion,
through the end of 2005, making the U.S. the second-largest foreign
investor in China.
Total two-way trade between China and the U.S. grew
from $33 billion in 1992 to over $285.3 billion in 2005. The United
States is China’s second-largest trading partner, and China
is now the third-largest trading partner for the United States
(after Canada and Mexico). U.S. exports to China have been growing
more rapidly than to any other market (up 28.4% in 2003, 20% in
2004, and 20% in 2005). U.S. imports from China grew 18% in 2005,
bringing the U.S. trade deficit with China to more than $200 billion.
Some of the factors that influence the U.S. trade deficit with
China include:
A shift of low-end assembly industries to China
from the newly industrialized economies (NIEs) in Asia. China
has increasingly become the last link in a long chain of value-added
production. Because U.S. trade data attributes the full value
of a product to the final assembler, Chinese value-added gets
over-counted.
Strong U.S. demand for Chinese goods.
China's restrictive trade practices, which have included an array